Statement of APO about the elections of 7th July in Greece: No Retreat, no compromise as long as there is state & capitalism



The foundation of the plan of the dominance is to establish from the social base a concept of their unavoidable crushing. The philophical aspect of modern totalitarianism focuses on the attempt to render any plan for the subversion of the existing regime for the benefit of the poor, the oppressed and the weak, impossible. The rulers today invest in the notion that it is easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of authoritarian state-level rule and the exploitative capitalist system of production. All the political blocs are jointly attacking, each with their own weapons, the cause of social liberation, the so-called ‘utopia’, in defence of the current sad dystopia of poverty, war, transnational conflicts, uncontrolled violence, social cannibalism, patriarchy and oppression.

All the political projects that are taking place in the ‘ballot’ of the elections have two elements in common, the management of the existing system, whose procedures legitimize with their participation and their abhorrence of social self-organization. Civil democracy treats the “diversity” of electoral combinations and the contrived freedom of chosing one of them, developing its most totalitarian version. The elections, like any other process of the civil system, are nothing more than the promotion of the ‘market society’ in politics, that is, the manifestation of all projects from one end of the political spectrum all the way to the other as goods. So the elections are just a supermarket where you can choose any merchandise, provided you don’t forget to pay in the exit. Ownership, the state, capitalism, the police, the army and all the sources of oppression and exploitation that make up the tanks of this world are impossible to be decimated through the electoral process.

On the one hand, it is rather self-evident, but on the other hand, it has to be said that regardless of how the various political blocs want to be defined, and in particular those who claim power in a position of power (centre-left, left-radical, right, centre-right, etc.) have no other objective than to serve capital-owned protectors and their whole competition is limited to who gets its prerogatives first head of the political management. It is clear that after the last 4 years of rule of the social democratic version of modern totalitarianism – as has been partly renewed at the level of political personnel under the acronym of SYRIZA – this formation, too, as could have been fully expected for those without illusions, has done everything in its power to: to stabilise the capitalist norm, i.e. the profitability and shaving of the workers, to reimitate political and state institutions, to deepen the country’s participation in the war-free designs of imperialist centres and especially the US, to strike on the sidewalk with surgical precision and crush the most unsubjugated of the struggles that have never fell for the radical fairy tale they tried to sell. A narrative that was only meant to denigrate the social and class resistance movements that developed in the previous period. This tactic was quickly adapted to their ultimate goal: the rescue of the bankrupt system that shrunk under the huge oppressed protests. An adjustment like this, would mean for SYRIZA and its own bailout, whereas not as a goverment forthe next four years, bue at least as a major opposition, which will wait for some time in order to return to the government’s seat.

For the exploited masses, the ballot boxes which are about to be set up in the next period have nothing to promise but a greater increase in the conditions of slavery through the strengthening that the relegitimization of their political representation will bring to the regime. On the one hand, the continuation of the existing social democratic management version will mean an even greater subjugation of social-class resistance and kinematic disarmament, at a time when the recovery and expansion of the collective struggles of society – and especially those that erupt from the bottom – is a constant threat to block the capital-fascist attack. On the other hand, the reversion to the neoliberal version will trigger a new round of war for those who are currently targeted by the political-economic system. For the poor, the outcasts and those who fight. The obvious aim is to subdue them in order to pave the way for the seamless enforcement of the plans of the political and economic elites who want to impose social conditions in labour camps

As much as the two protagonists are being killed today to prove their differences in the run-up to the elections, the big picture indicates their complete complementarity. The fact that the right seems capable today of imposing the hegemony of neo-liberalism and expanding its policy by attacking workers, the unemployed and all of them from below, it is due to the government of social democracy, that in the name of the radical left shattered the movements, sprayed illusions into large parts of society, only to put another brick into the construction of modern totalitarianism, to further consolidate the notion that nothing can change.

For our part, we must admit that nothing can change through the elections. But everything can be turned down in the street. Society has produced enormous resistance in recent years and today the experience of the struggles is even greater. We also know that if, on the one hand, abstention is a prerequisite for establishing a concept outside and beyond the regime’s solutions and procedures, a large part of it is not recorded in a fighting culture but in its confirmation by another concept, that of the firm resignation of everything, since nothing will and cannot change. That is the reason why it is of the uttermost importance for the way we will live from now on to enable all of us together, the oppressed, the exploited, the outcasts and the marginalised ones, those who experience the opt-out regime, to reconstruct embankments even more effectively, to design the dismantling of the dominant policy, the dominant culture, the dominant institutionalisation.

We know that no matter what the final result of the election is, it is certain that the next day will be the beginning of a new round of repression of social and class movements, and especially of the anarchist – anti-authoritarian movement, against which a sweeping repressive attack aimed not just at restricting it, but at eradicating it altogether, has been under way for years. The political presence and action of the anarchists in all previous years, the model of self-organised and bottom-up resistance, the vision of the Social Revolution, as the only realistic alternative to society in the face of the supposedly inescapable state and capitalist septicism, in the darkness of fascism and in the impasses of reformist illusions, make them a real danger to the dictators and therefore they find themselves at the forefront of their repressive strategy

Repression is an area in which common state policy can manifest itself, but not the only one. In the next period, regardless of the political manager, the Greek state will engage in new adventures to redistribute the region’s energy resources, upgrading relations with NATO and its military preparation. Nationalism is the necessary reservoir from which social consensus will be drawn to support bourgeoisie’s projects for hot episodes on the chess board in the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle

East. The new attack on labour rights will be overwhelming. The bosses are ready to seize the opportunity of the social-class movement’s backward step to define even tougher exploitation measures. The attack on the country’s natural wealth through extreme exploitation and violation of the natural environment is another strategic direction. The final release of the works for the mining of Eldorado Gold in Chalkidiki will be accompanied by the emergence of new fields of exploitation and a struggle. Against the total and direct attack of the State and capital, it is of particular importance that struggles should be developed and that their anti-authoritarian or anti-institutional and anti-party perception should be maintained. The conclusions from the struggle in Chalkidiki make it clear that local communities affected by the natural disaster planned by the state-capitalist complex should not choose a candidate for a local ruler but activate new tactics such as total abstinence and immediate action. The first massive resistance to mining projects is already being built in Epirus.

The next period is critical because after a dense period of systemic aggression and major mobilizations, the ruling bloc is trying to dictate the narrative of a new normality. It puts forward a logic of “what’s done, is done” and calls on us to be realistic and to accept the new situation with the millions of unemployed, with hunger wages, overrun hours, to watch from the backstage the expression of complete subjugation of the social majority, the looting of our lives and the extension of the exemption situation to greater sections of the population.

In the next period we will have to engage even more vigorously in all areas where primary resistance is emerging, expand the impact of the anarchist resistance ratio on the poorer segments, build new social alliances with the oppressed, local and immigrant communities to put a strong embankment in the plans of the sovereign. To organize in a consistent and obstinate manner the days of the counterattack.



Anarchist Political Organization – Federation of Collectives